Months later, Jakeb has stopped taking steroids and has lost the extra muscle he gained, but he continues to have health problems for which he is receiving hospital support. James Brumpton - a software engineer from Lincoln - found himself "catapulted into this world of self-consciousness", after he hooked up with a man at a local gay bar. When James went back to the man's house and took off his T-shirt, his date looked at him and made a disgusted noise. Eventually, the experience led to James deciding to have an abdominoplasty - otherwise known as a tummy tuck. Prof Afshin Mosahebi, of Baaps, says gay men are currently having more cosmetic procedures done than straight men, although he notes that women have more procedures than men overall.
After James's tummy tuck went wrong, he was left with permanent scarring, which made him even more conscious of his body. Dating apps have fuelled body image concerns, he says. Images on social media and in leading gay magazines have also led James to feel he is an "invader in the space". Photos of "sexy bodies" drive sales of gay magazines, according to Matthew Todd, a former editor of one such publication, Attitude.
When Matthew put a photo of Stephen Fry on the front of the magazine in , "it was one of the worst selling editions ever", he says. Matthew, the author of Straight Jacket: How to be gay and happy, says homophobia has fuelled gay men's body issues. If you don't like yourself, that manifests as not being happy with the way you look. The result has been that gay men are under more pressure than straight men to have the perfect body, Matthew says.
Many gay men confuse 'Do I want to be with him? Jeff Ingold, from LGBT charity Stonewall says it is "crucial" that we see more diverse representations of gay and bisexual men with different body types in the media. But as it is, Jakeb says he still gets people online telling him they "wouldn't leave the house if they looked like me". If you have been affected by any of the issues raised, support and advice is available via BBC Action Line.
If you would like to share your experiences, please email haveyoursay bbc. Please include a contact number if you are willing to speak to a BBC journalist.
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You can also contact us in the following ways:. How Queer as Folk broke the mould for gay people on TV. Does fat shaming help people lose weight? This is generally viewed as marking the end of the Revolutionary period. Rapid population growth and restrictions caused by the inability to adequately finance government debt resulted in economic depression, unemployment and high food prices. From the late 17th century on, political and cultural debate became part of wider European society, rather than being confined to a small elite.
This took different forms, such as the English ' coffeehouse culture ', and extended to areas colonised by Europeans, particularly British North America.
Contacts between diverse groups in Edinburgh , Geneva , Boston , Amsterdam , Paris , London or Vienna were much greater than often appreciated. Transnational elites who shared ideas and styles were not new; what changed was their extent and the numbers involved.
Improvements in education and literacy over the course of the 18th century meant larger audiences for newspapers and journals, with Masonic lodges , coffee houses and reading clubs providing areas where people could debate and discuss ideas. The emergence of this so-called "public sphere" led to Paris replacing Versailles as the cultural and intellectual centre, leaving the Court isolated and less able to influence opinion. In addition to these social changes, the French population grew from 18 million in to 26 million in , making it the most populous state in Europe; Paris had over , inhabitants, of whom roughly one third were either unemployed or had no regular work.
The other major drag on the economy was state debt. Traditional views of the French Revolution often attribute the financial crisis of the s to heavy expenditure in the — Anglo-French War , but modern economic studies show this is incorrect. In , the ratio of debt to gross national income in France was Although French borrowing costs were higher, the percentage of tax revenue devoted to interest payments was about the same in both countries. However, these taxes were predominantly paid by the urban and rural poor, and attempts to share the burden more equally were blocked by the regional parlements which controlled financial policy.
Although Louis was not indifferent to the crisis, when faced with opposition he tended to back down. For their opponents, Enlightenment ideas on equality and democracy provided an intellectual framework for dealing with these issues, while the American Revolution was seen as confirmation of their practical application. In the century preceding the Revolution, the French state faced a series of budgetary crises. These primarily arose from structural deficiencies, rather than lack of resources; unlike Britain, where Parliament determined both expenditures and taxes, in France the Crown controlled spending, but not revenue.
Originally set up as law courts, by the midth century the parlements had wide control over tax and legal affairs, the most powerful being the Parlement de Paris. Although willing to authorise one-time taxes, the parlements were reluctant to pass long-term measures. So although larger and wealthier than Britain, France struggled to service its debt. Following a partial default in , efforts were made to improve collection of revenues and reduce costs. The war from to was financed by borrowing, and created a large French rentier class, which lived on interest they earned by holding government debt.
By , the government was struggling to cover these payments. Its options were to either default, or get the parlements to approve tax increases. When the parlements refused, Calonne persuaded Louis to summon the Assembly of Notables , an advisory council dominated by the upper nobility. Led by de Brienne , former archbishop of Toulouse , [a] the Assembly argued that tax increases could only be authorised by the Estates-General.
The latter derived rank from judicial or administrative posts and tended to be hard-working professionals, who dominated the regional parlements and were often intensely socially conservative. Neither the First or Second Estates paid any taxes.
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Half were well-educated lawyers or local officials, nearly a third in trades or industry, while fifty-one were wealthy land owners. The Estates-General convened in the Menus-Plaisirs du Roi on 5 May , near the Palace of Versailles rather than in Paris; the choice of location was interpreted as an attempt to control their debates. As was customary, each Estate assembled in separate rooms, whose furnishings and opening ceremonies deliberately emphasised the superiority of the First and Second Estates.
They also insisted on enforcing the rule that only those who owned land could sit as deputies for the Second Estate, and thus excluded the immensely popular Comte de Mirabeau. Since the system ensured the clergy and nobility could always outvote the commons, a key objective was to ensure all three sat as one body. After an extended stalemate, Necker suggested that each Estate verify its own members' credentials and the king act as arbitrator, but this was rejected.
This process [ clarification needed ] was complete on 17 June. By 19 June, the Third Estate was joined by over members of the clergy, and these deputies declared themselves the National Assembly. The remaining deputies from the other two Estates were invited to join, but the Assembly made it clear they intended to legislate with or without their support.
On 20 June, the deputies met in a tennis court outside Versailles, where they took the Tennis Court Oath , undertaking not to disperse until they had given France a constitution. By 27 June, they had been joined by the majority of the clergy, plus forty-seven members of the nobility, and Louis backed down. Messages of support for the Assembly poured in from Paris and other cities. Even these limited reforms went too far for reactionaries like Marie Antoinette and Louis' younger brother the Comte d'Artois ; on their advice, Louis dismissed Necker as chief minister on 11 July.
On the 14th, many of these regulars [ clarification needed ] joined the mob in attacking the Bastille , a royal fortress with a large stores of arms and ammunition. After several hours of fighting that cost the lives of 83 attackers, its governor, Marquis de Launay , surrendered. Although rumoured to hold many prisoners, the Bastille held only seven: four forgers, two noblemen held for "immoral behaviour", and a murder suspect. Alarmed by the violence, Louis backed down and appointed the marquis de Lafayette commander of the National Guard.
A new governmental structure was created for Paris known as the Commune , headed by Jean-Sylvain Bailly , former president of the Assembly. On 17 July, Louis visited Paris accompanied by deputies. He was met by Bailly and accepted a tricolore cockade to loud cheers. However, it was clear power had shifted from his court; he was welcomed as 'Louis XVI, father of the French and king of a free people. The short-lived unity enforced on the Assembly by a common threat quickly dissipated.
Deputies argued over constitutional forms, while civil authority rapidly deteriorated. In rural areas, wild rumours and paranoia resulted in the formation of militia and an agrarian insurrection known as la Grande Peur. In response to this unrest, the Assembly published the August Decrees , ending feudalism and other privileges held by the nobility, notably exemption from tax.
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The decrees included equality before the law, opening public office to all, converting the church tithe into payments subject to redemption, [ clarification needed ] freedom of worship, and cancellation of special privileges held by provinces and towns. The original intention was that their tenants would pay compensation, but the majority refused to do so and the obligation was cancelled in , along with the tithe. The suspension of the 13 regional parlements in November meant that in the four months since August the main institutional pillars of the old regime had all been abolished.
In their place, they substituted "the modern, autonomous individual, free to do whatever was not prohibited by law. From its early stages, the Revolution displayed signs of its radical nature; what remained to be determined were the mechanisms for turning intentions into practical applications. Assisted by Thomas Jefferson , Lafayette prepared a draft constitution known as the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen , which echoed some of the provisions of the Declaration of Independence.
However France had reached no consensus on the role of the Crown, and until this question was settled, it was impossible to create political institutions. When presented to the legislative committee on 11 July, it was rejected by pragmatists such as Jean Joseph Mounier , President of the Assembly, who feared creating expectations that could not be satisfied.
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After editing by Mirabeau, it was published on 26 August as a statement of principle. Arguments between French and American historians over responsibility for its wording continue, but most agree the reality is a mix. Although Jefferson made major contributions to Lafayette's draft, he himself acknowledged an intellectual debt to Montesquieu , and the final version was significantly different. More importantly, the two differed in intent; Jefferson saw the US Constitution and Bill of Rights as fixing the political system at a specific point in time, claiming they 'contained no original thought Attached as a preamble to the Constitution , and that of the Third Republic , it was incorporated into the current French Constitution in Discussions continued.
On this basis, a new committee was convened to agree on a constitution; the most controversial issue was citizenship , linked to the debate on the balance between individual rights and obligations. Ultimately, the Constitution distinguished between 'active citizens' who held political rights, defined as French males over the age of 25, who paid direct taxes equal to three days' labour, and 'passive citizens', who were restricted to 'civil rights'.