Disagreements about less basic tenets, like the ones that divided Remonstrants and Counter-Remonstrants, should be left to an individual's conscience in accordance with the freedom of conscience enshrined in the Union of Utrecht. Grotius knew full well that neither party was ready to concede this and he therefore proposed to legislate his proposal in the form of a States of Holland resolution that would, up to a point, curtail freedom of expression i.
The resolution would define matters that would be open to debate, and matters that would not be.
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Preachers who would defy the States in this matter could then be disciplined by the authorities, if need be by depriving them of their Livings. Oldenbarnevelt supported Grotius in this policy though it could be seen as an assault on the autonomy of the Public Church and together they managed to drive the placard through in against opposition from many sides.
Initially, and superficially, the policy seemed to work, but eventually it ended in the ruin of the Oldenbarnevelt regime. This was due to the following factors.
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First, Oldenbarnevelt failed in maintaining unity on his policy in the States of Holland Amsterdam opposed him , and thereby weakened the hegemonic position of Holland in the Republic as a whole. Secondly, though the States put their thumb in the scales in favour of the Remonstrants with this policy as those, being a minority, were in danger of being driven out of the public church , the Counter-Remonstrants maintained their strength among dominees and schoolmasters, and so indirectly among the common people.
Finally, the social unrest as a consequence of deteriorating economic circumstances for the staunchly "strict" Calvinist ex-Flemish labourers who opted en masse for the Counter-Remonstrants destabilised the State in — Mob violence in many Holland and Utrecht cities against Remonstrant regents ensued. The federal garrisons and civic militias refused to intervene to protect the regents a pattern we also observe at the end of the First and Second Stadtholderless Periods , when likewise States-Party regimes were overturned.
The Remonstrant regents now felt so threatened that they resorted to the desperate measure of the so-called "Sharp Resolution" of the States of Holland of 4 August , which authorised city governments to raise mercenary troops, called waardgelders , [97] outside the federal army or civic militias, to maintain public order.
This drew an immediate protest from Maurice and from the other provinces on constitutional grounds. They asserted that the Union of Utrecht prohibited the raising of troops by individual cities without consent from the States-General. Even more threatening to the federal supremacy had been the provision in the Sharp Resolution that asserted that units in the federal army paid for the account of Holland owed their primary allegiance to that province.
This was a restatement of Holland's old constitutional position that the provinces were supremely sovereign, and the Union no more than a confederation of sovereign provinces.
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Maurice, and the other provinces except Utrecht , now claimed that the States-General possessed an overriding sovereignty in matters of common defence and foreign policy [98]. Disarming the waardgelders in Utrecht, 31 July , by Joost Cornelisz. Many expected a military coup after the cities of Leiden and Utrecht actually raised corps of waardgelders and used them to purge the civic militias of Counter-Remonstrant sympathizers. Maurice proceeded cautiously, however, preferring to undermine the political support of the Oldenbarnevelt regime in Holland.
A revolutionary situation developed in a number of cities in Holland where Remonstrant town councils were overturned by popular intervention. To counter this, the Remonstrant regents proposed in January to withhold part of Holland's contribution to the Generality budget and use the money to raise more waardgelder companies. Maurice now mobilised the support of the five provinces opposing Holland and Utrecht for a States-General resolution disbanding the waardgelders.
This was voted through on 9 July , with five votes to two, Holland and Utrecht opposing. Oldenbarnevelt and Grotius, in desperation, now overplayed their hand: appealing to the requirement for unanimity in the Union treaty, they sent a delegation to the federal troops in Utrecht that were supposed to disarm the waardgelders in that city with instructions that their first allegiance was to the province that paid them, and that they were to ignore instructions by the stadtholder in case of conflict. This intervention was construed by their opponents as treason.
Prince Maurice [99] now brought up additional federal troops to Utrecht and started to disarm the waardgelders there on 31 July There was no resistance. The political opposition to his actions imploded as Oldenbarnevelt's Utrecht ally, Gilles van Ledenberg , advocaat of the Utrecht States, fled to Holland []. Perceiving that resistance was useless, Oldenbarnevelt and his Remonstrant allies now capitulated. Leiden disbanded its waardgelders voluntarily in August, and Oldenbarnevelt and Grotius acquiesced in the convening of a National Synod to arbitrate the Arminian controversy.
This was justified with an appeal to the asserted residual sovereignty of the States-General that overrode that of the States of Holland. After the arrest these leaders of the Oldenbarnevelt regime were indicted for high treason and brought before an ad hoc tribunal [] consisting mostly of opponents of the accused. The trial took a long time. Meanwhile, Maurice proceeded to purge the Holland ridderschap [] and the vroedschappen of a number of cities that had been governed by Remonstrant regents up to then.
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He replaced the old regents with adherents of the Counter-Remonstrant faction, often nouveau riche merchants that had little experience in government affairs. These purges constituted a political revolution and ensured that his Orangist regime would be securely in charge of the Republic for the next 32 years.
Henceforth the stadtholder, not the Advocate of Holland , would direct the affairs of the Republic, mainly through his parliamentary managers in the Holland ridderschap. The Holland leadership was emasculated by making sure that the position of Grand Pensionary [] would henceforth be filled by a succession of mediocre, incompetent and pliable Orangists, at least up to the appointment of Johan de Witt in [].
Meanwhile the National Synod was convened in the city of Dordrecht in November The deliberations of this august body [] progressed slowly. Only in the Spring of did it get around to condemning the Remonstrants for heresy, and casting them out of the Public Church.
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A more lasting accomplishment of the Synod was that it commissioned an "authorized" translation of the Bible in Dutch, a language that the translators had to make up from Hollandic, Brabantish and Flemish elements; the translations therefore contributed mightily to the unification of the Dutch language. The trial of Oldenbarnevelt cum suis ended soon afterwards.
In view of the composition of the tribunal the result was a foregone conclusion, even though the defendants put up a spirited defence. After all, they were the most eminent jurists in the Republic. The defence primarily rejected the competence of the court and furthermore claimed that treason against the Generality was not possible, because the federal state did not exist apart from the sovereign provinces. The court rejected the latter argument, claiming that in actuality sovereignty was divided between the Generality and the provinces.
In its view, the Sharp Resolution contravened the Union of Utrecht and could therefore be construed as high treason. However, as an illustration of the muddled procedures , when Oldenbarnevelt was convicted on 12 May , it was not of this high-treason, but of a contrived charge of conniving with Spain. This Oldenbarnevelt kept denying till his last breath, when he was beheaded the next day.
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He refused to ask for mercy, to Maurice's annoyance, [] and he received none, despite the fact that Maurice's stepmother Louise de Coligny , and the French ambassador pleaded for Oldenbarnevelt's life. Ledenberg equally received a death sentence, but committed suicide. Hogerbeets and Grotius were sentenced to life-imprisonment [].
It is impossible to know whether the course of history would have been different without the overthrow of the Oldenbarnevelt regime and the judicial murder of the old statesman. However, it is true that Oldenbarnevelt's diplomatic acumen and his restraint were sorely missed in the following months and years when the new Dutch regime became embroiled in a dangerous military adventure in the Holy Roman Empire. Though there had been a danger of armed conflict between the Spanish and Dutch forces involved in the crisis, both sides took care to avoid each other, respecting each other's spheres of influence.
The new regime in The Hague felt differently, however.
While civil war was avoided in the Republic, a civil war did start in the Bohemian Kingdom with the Second defenestration of Prague on 23 May The Bohemian insurgents were now pitted against their king, Ferdinand, who would soon succeed his uncle Matthias the former States-General governor-general of the Netherlands as Holy Roman Emperor.
They cast about for support in this struggle and on the Protestant side only the Republic was able and willing to provide it. This took the form of support for Frederick V, Elector Palatine , a nephew of Prince Maurice [] and a son-in-law of James I, when Frederick accepted the Crown of Bohemia the insurgents offered him he was crowned on 4 November His father-in-law had sought to restrain him from doing this, warning that he could not count on English aid, but Maurice encouraged him in every way, providing a large subsidy and promising Dutch armed assistance.
The Dutch had therefore a large role in precipitating the Thirty Years' War. Maurice's motivation was the desire to manoeuvre the Republic in a better position in case the war with Spain would resume after the expiration of the Truce in It was not a foregone conclusion that the Truce would not be renewed, but it had become less likely, as both in Spain and in the Republic more hard-line factions had come to power. This encouraged the Spanish government, perceiving internal weakness in the Republic, to choose a bolder policy in the Bohemian question than they otherwise might have done.
The Bohemian war therefore soon degenerated into a proxy war between Spain and the Republic. Even after the Battle of White Mountain of November , which ended disastrously for the Protestant army one-eighth of which was in the Dutch pay , the Dutch continued to support Frederick militarily, both in Bohemia and in the Palatinate. Maurice also provided diplomatic support, pressing both the Protestant German princes and James I to come to Frederick's aid. When James sent 4, English troops in September , those were armed and transported by the Dutch, and their advance covered by a Dutch cavalry column.
In the end the Dutch intervention was in vain. After just a few months, Frederick and his wife Elizabeth fled into exile at The Hague, where they became known as the Winter King and Queen for their brief reign. Maurice pressed Frederick in vain to at least defend the Palatinate against the Spanish troops under Spinola and Tilly. This round of the war went to Spain and the Imperialist forces in Germany.
James held this against Maurice for his incitement of the losing side with promises that he could not keep. There was continual contact between Maurice and the government in Brussels during and regarding a possible renewal of the Truce. Albert was in favour of it, especially after Maurice falsely gave him the impression that a peace would be possible on the basis of a token recognition by the Republic of the sovereignty of the king of Spain.
When Albert sent the chancellor of Brabant, Petrus Peckius , to The Hague to negotiate with the States-General on this basis, he fell into this trap and innocently started talking about this recognition, instantly alienating his hosts. Because nothing was as certain to unite the northern provinces as the suggestion that they should abandon their hard-fought sovereignty.
If this incident had not come up, the negotiations might well have been successful as a number of the provinces were amenable to simply renewing the Truce on the old terms. Now the formal negotiations were broken off, however, and Maurice was authorised to conduct further negotiations in secret.