Thus, at the dawn of the s, something new was added to the idea of immediacy for journalists—this was now going to be an overarching, defining feature of online journalism, a value that would define and orient journalism practice; it would reverberate among the profession and among consumers.
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By , one of the implications of the speed of online news was that journalists were constantly producing online journalism. The result is that the process of journalism was laid bare, mistakes and all: news items were published before they were ready in their final print- or broadcast form, and there was radically diminished time between the production and the consumption of news.
Immediacy has become part of the normative culture of online journalists, whether they like it or not. The Hamster Wheel is volume without thought. It is news panic, a lack of discipline, an inability to say no. The Federal Communications Commission FCC noted the impact of immediacy on news production in one of its quadrennial reports, suggesting that instead of reporting quality stories, journalists were responding to constant, rolling deadlines. Writing more stories with faster turnaround had financial rewards: bumps in Web traffic that could then prove the case for higher rates for online ads.
Newsrooms were thus rewarding work that was generating bumps in Web traffic, rather than the kind of substantial reporting once found on Page One or in investigative features. At the same time, these journalists also had to reconcile their work with their simultaneous desire to have the final say and be the final authority on the daily news cycle—both manifested in the guise of the print paper. Immediacy oriented and motivated news production at The Times in conflicting ways, signaling a larger debate about the importance of first and fresh versus the authority of the journalist, the quality of news, and the enduring news story.
In fact, the interview with Bernanke had been the first long interview Chan had been able to have with the chairman since starting the beat earlier in the year. The Monday after the story ran, she acknowledged to the other Web producers that she was exhausted. This effort was the sign of another imperative in the newsroom: an avowed focus on interactives, including multimedia, interactive graphics, photo slideshows, and audio. For every story that required serious planning, someone, either a Web producer assigned to the business desk or journalists on bigger teams with more resources like the programming whizzes and documentary film experts, was likely to be involved.
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They would help the story come alive on the Web in ways beyond words. Traditional journalists saw the importance and, generally, the value of interactive journalism, but they were conflicted by the changes to their old routines. Though none of the lower-ranking journalists I spoke with talked about the business merits of interactivity, top management did. And time spent on a page is an important measure for Web metrics, one that can be fed to online advertisers as justification for higher rates.
Though newspapers have used photography since , dating back to its first major appearance in reports on the Crimean War, photography online has the capacity to be something different. For example, in the case of an online audio slide show, there is something that is distinct from broadcast, both visually and as an auditory experience. The user sets the pace, generally, and the distinct media of sound and photography complement each other.
While newspapers have also used infographics in print for decades, with an interactive online graphic, the user can have a multilevel experience of a dynamic graphic that responds to the pace he or she chooses. Multimedia, then, offers a variety of ways to tell stories with the user central to the experience of controlling and directing his or her way through content.
Interactivity has meaning for online journalism far beyond The Times. Interactivity has long been a part of the way people think about online content. Before there even were Web browsers, in the dawn of the early Internet, Ithiel de Sola Pool hypothesized that electronic publishing would be. The players will initiate and the machine will answer back, in an interactive conversational process. It may be for fun, for management, for daily life, or for work. And as interactivity became part of the online journalism world, a cultural change was taking place that manifested itself on many levels.
Entirely new forms of journalism would be created.
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Journalists could and would be compelled to think about news as moving beyond simple text. Nontraditional journalists with skills in Web design, programming, video, and photography would be elevated to greater importance in the newsroom—as they were at The Times with the creation of the multimedia desk in and the interactive news desk in The term interactivity , though, is pretty muddy. It can mean interactive experiences between users, or it can mean interactive experiences between the user and the computer.
When I talk about interactivity in the newsroom, I mean this user-computer interaction. This is very different from both user-to-user communication and actual content creation, activities that are encompassed much more directly by the term and underlying journalism value of participation. Some scholars also agree with the more practical notion that interactivity is constitutive of design on the Web—that it is embedded as a property of multimedia. In fact, interactivity is a core value of Web design and creation now, as Web guru Jesse James Garrett notes prolifically across the Web.
This is moderated by two concerns common to journalism: getting content to users immediately and keeping users on a site. In contrast to immediacy, interactivity suggests a different set of routines and practices. However, one can also see these spaces for creating interactivity as an institutionalized routine for experimentation—in part, because it takes on the mythical status of a site of innovation.
In the past, though, most observers have argued that newsrooms have largely failed in their efforts to implement multimedia journalism into their daily workflow. Internal pressures from editors, and more external pressures like corporate demands, influence a drive toward interactivity in US newsrooms. At The Times, the manifestation of interactivity in newswork remains contested, as some journalists see its value, while others view it as an imposition.
In another vein, interactivity has a way of both flattening hierarchy and enforcing top-down mandates.
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And the contrast between interactivity and immediacy became clear in my research at The Times : interactivity was simply so much harder to do—from planning to process—that it was largely reserved for off-deadline stories. At The Times , we will see how some journalists make interactivity part and parcel of their daily work, document the rise of these interactive journalists multimedia, Web, and interactive specialists , and look at the variable nature of work routines associated with interactivity. But to be sure, interactivity is coupled with another important value: participation, or the experience of actually creating content and communicating with other users.
Micheline Maynard, or MickiMaynard, could—and would—tweet every ten or fifteen minutes during the news day. Stationed in Detroit, Maynard put out a regular stream of tweets about the car industry and her airline beat, as well as news about her beloved Detroit sports teams. For her followers on Twitter about ten thousand , she could leverage her tight network of sources in the airline industry to let them know about a flight delay even before an airline would announce it formally. What a great way to promote links to stories to these people following you and interested in what you are saying.
One of the interesting things about the airline beat is that with snowstorms, I can give them information about delays where a blog post might take hours. And some of the personality of tweeting is kind of fun. Not everyone shared the same impressions of Twitter, Facebook, and other forms of social media. Bill Keller, then executive editor of The Times , had a Twitter account, but despite having almost fifty thousand followers, he had only tweeted times on his own—and even then, there was little commentary or personality with his tweets, which generally offered links to Times articles.
There is a powerful recalibration, at least in theory, happening between the journalist and the audience. Thanks to the affordances of Web 2. Participation challenges the traditional norms of journalism by suggesting that anyone, at any time, could become a reporter. Journalistic authority is transformed, as both journalists and users are now creating media content that may be equally newsworthy.
So what should journalists do to address the fact that not only are their audiences consuming more news online than ever before, but they are also creating, engaging, and talking about news content with each other? The mantra inside newsrooms has been to get journalists on these social media platforms reaching out to audiences. USA Today and Reuters only established the position in , realizing that their own social media efforts were far behind those of other news organizations. However, most of these news organizations reached an important conclusion: no single editor could be an adequate force to encourage participation in a newsroom—widespread cultural buy-in was necessary to accept participation.
Similarly, news organizations had begun to promote participation via social media as a key to their success. Al Jazeera English had widely touted its institution-wide social media training just before the Arab Spring as being crucial to its acclaimed coverage of the subsequent events.
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Notably, in each of these cases, user contributions were seen as being for the benefit of the news organization—users were collaborators, insofar as the information they provided was both accurate and aided in the development of news stories. However, as with interactivity, the utopian discourse about participation gives way to the economic reality behind news. Participation also addresses underlying concerns with how to raise revenue and increase brand loyalty. Users could read this content on Facebook or be directed back to the main Web site.
At the time, the average American spent seven hours a month on Facebook, versus fourteen minutes a month on news Web sites.
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Inside the newsroom, participation was contested in a variety of ways. Many journalists acknowledged this supposedly new relationship with the audience but did not deem it worth their time. I want to stress that inside The Times , participation was almost entirely understood as engagement on social media platforms, not as commenting, not as blogging, not as live-chats, not as emails, and not as user-generated content. But perhaps more significantly, the actual implementation of participation as a value at work in the newsroom suggested that journalists did have far more power than the ordinary person to contribute to creating and shaping the conversation.
The conversation was for them , not for us. In the digital era, new values operate as constraints, guidelines, and conflicting principles—in addition to older values that have shaped news production for decades. The ones I have identified—immediacy, interactivity, and participation—build on a discussion of new news values in the digital age. This process of understanding news values from going inside the newsroom has a long and established history. Through newsroom ethnography, scholars have entered the newsroom to explore how various newsroom routines shape and pattern what makes news.
Understanding these routines is important, because values are defined, created, and established out of the routines of everyday work practices and the resulting internal, external, professional, technological, and other influences on these routines. We have many, many studies on the content that comes out of newsrooms, but less understanding of the motivations, decision making, and processes behind the creation of that content. Ethnography is especially useful for a number of reasons, because it helps elucidate these elements of newswork.
The early ethnographies were concerned with examining the larger routines of the news organization, and they spent less time focusing on the experiences of individual journalists. The scholarship tended to emphasize routine, predictability, and order over disorder as a way to create generalizable descriptions. Ironically, the scholarship from this era—a time when TV reigned on three channels and the daily newspaper was not yet seen to be in great decline—has stood the test of time because these works so accurately identify forces that still order newswork.
The other reason these works loom so large is that few scholars today have come close to replicating studies of their scale and significance in the digital age. He noted that a combination of internal pressures, from professional socialization to the need for predictable content, as well as external pressures like source relationships and economic factors, influenced how journalists were able to do their work. Managing the unexpected was the goal—and the necessity for newsrooms to function. But the economic, political, technological, and social conditions for making news have changed since the golden age of news ethnography in the s—s.
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Similarly, these news organizations are now battling to survive in an increasingly complex and sophisticated economic and technological landscape. A look at newsmaking in the digital age is a reminder that, at The New York Times, no one has quite figured out what it means to do newswork predictably or comfortably and that new news routines are still being crafted. The earlier constraints upon news remain quite on point today, but there are new challenges: creating news in a digital world requires adjusting to the rapid flow of information in a networked information environment.
In fact, when sociologist Eric Klinenberg made an appeal for more media sociology in this time of change, he did so noting how technology had dramatically altered the practices and experiences of the journalists he observed. Northwestern sociologist Pablo Boczkowski has made perhaps the most significant contributions to date in the more recent literature on newsrooms changing in the digital age. In his first book, which looked at newsrooms in the late s, he argued that newsroom innovation was contingent on a variety of forces, motivated in part by the individual and organizational flexibilities of the newsroom.
In fact, he went to The New York Times in , looking at the proto- Times online: CyberTimes , an outpost of technology coverage publishing only original articles that was later shut down to become—believe it or not—a print section. His more recent book on newsrooms in Argentina notes the dangers of homogenization in an immediate news environment, chronicling two competing newspapers that have become obsessed with copying each other and have prioritized speed over depth.
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