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This view of the political significance of folkloric beliefs is one propounded by the Marxist Antonio Gramsci,29 whose views have admittedly not always been welcomed by folklorists. My reading of the subversive role of fairy beliefs in the medieval polity owes much to his insights.
Concentration on the political significance of fairyland means that this book makes no claim to provide a comprehensive survey of all fairy phenomena in the Middle Ages. It treats here only in passing, if at all, many of the activities that were commonly associated with fairies: their modification of the weather; their association with great wealth; the trouble they might cause benighted travelers; their ability to induce or ward off sickness; their influence for good or ill on harvests; their skill at prognostication—to name but a few.
Moore has characterized as a persecuting society.
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Not only were fairy beliefs so ubiquitous that they could not be quarantined in ghettos and leprosaria or made the targets of self-serving crusades, but they also touched as we shall see the higher levels of secular society and even penetrated the church itself , so that focused persecution was infeasible. However, as Foucault has taught us, social regulation can take different forms, and there are clear signs that many of those who participated in the discourse of fairyland in the Middle Ages felt themselves under surveillance.
Moreover, from the fifteenth century onward, as education began to close the cultural Int ro du c t io n 9 gap between clerical and secular authorities, the control of vernacular belief became more and more exacting, culminating in the terrible witch hunts of the early modern period. In a brief Postscript I discuss fairy lore as an important target for sixteenth-century witch-hunters and associate the comparative leniency of English witch-hunting with a discourse of skepticism that can be traced in part to the prestige of Geoffrey Chaucer, a celebrated fairy unbeliever.
I suspect that it will not succeed unless it fulfils two conditions. In the first place, it will have to be sure that it has exhausted the possibilities of purely literary diagnosis before it looks further afield. The second condition. Probably such things did not occur. But if no one in real life had either seen, or thought he saw, or accepted on hearsay, or dreaded, or hoped for, any such things, the poet and romancer could do nothing with them.
As anthropologists we may want to know how belief in them originated. What it would feel like, and why. Progress, however, has been made on both fronts. In England, Helen Cooper, Corinne Saunders, and James Wade have recently made important contributions,3 and in France literary study of le merveilleux is now regarded as mainstream. From this perspective Lewis was putting the cart before the horse: literary diagnosis, I believe, should properly follow, not precede, the study of ferlies as things. Nevertheless the attempts of such people to rationalize, negate, or dismiss fairy beliefs can tell us a great deal about both their vigor and their ubiquity.
They seem, indeed, to be endowed with bodies of incredible subtlety, since they are even thought to enter into mountains and hills. They know a thousand devices and an infinite number of tricks with which they harass men in wretched ways, but their young people are said to have a similar stature, clothing, and even way of life to that of their human neighbors, and to take excessive pleasure in coupling with humans.
Examples are not lacking of a number of the rogues who are said to have impregnated women beneath the earth and had access to them at fi xed times or as many times as they wished. Though several other kinds of interaction are certainly possible, fairies most often impinge on the human life world in two ways: by copulating with mortals or by abducting them. The two possibilities he suggests—that they are either a trick of the devil fraus Sathanae or some kind of mixed species genus mixtum halfway between spirit and animal— are found elsewhere,13 though his apparent reluctance to concede that fairies may actually be devils a third explanation that was widely entertained by other authorities seems due to an understandable reluctance to endorse the common belief that the mouth of hell was situated in Iceland.
Believing in Fairies 15 The popular late eleventh-century theological handbook the Elucidarium,17 composed in England by Honorius of Autun or Augsberg ,18 though it deals at length with good and bad angels, has nothing whatsoever to say about fairies. This distinction, which goes back at least to William of Auvergne, may seem like hairsplitting, but it was evidently important to medieval churchmen as a way of accounting for different kinds of fairy phenomena, particularly the ability of fairies to impersonate humans.
If fairies are demons, it follows that demons, or at least some demons, are fairies, and this insight opens up a world of still largely unexplored ecclesiastical material for investigation. Understandably, writers on medieval fairy beliefs have hitherto concentrated mainly on vernacular writing, chiefly romances, where fairyland is generally treated with something like transparency, though they have often supplemented these sources with the commentary of learned writers such as Gerald of Wales, Walter Map, Gervase of Tilbury, and William of Newburgh.
Admittedly they are generally more shadowy figures than their counterparts in vernacular romance, but they offer the great advantage of highlighting the attitudes of the representatives of official culture toward them. It is this interplay of learned and vernacular culture in the Middle Ages that constitutes the main theme of this book.
Strictly speaking, if fairies are devils, then it must also follow that any belief in fairies as non-devils is potentially heretical. But if you should wish to believe my words I might show you Christ and his mother and the saints in plain sight. The heretic then led the friar into a very spacious palace in a cave in a mountain, which shone with a wonderful brightness.
They came directly to the lower part of the palace, where they saw thrones placed, as if made of the purest gold, and on them a king, surrounded with glittering splendor, and next to him a most beautiful queen with a radiant face, and on either side benches on which were older men like patriarchs or prophets with a great multitude of angels sitting around, and they were all glittering with starlight though they might be judged to be nothing less than demons.
As soon as he saw them, the heretic adored them lying down before them.
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Go and prostrate yourself; worship him whom you see and you will receive the secrets of our faith from his mouth. Despite its title, the Disputation Between a Christian and a Jew has little to do with any kind of genuine intellectual exchange between the representatives of Christianity and those of Judaism. Accounts such as these might seem to reflect the delusions of clerics out of touch with vernacular culture, but as we shall see in the next chapter it would be a mistake to overstate the gulf between clergy and laity in such matters or underestimate the complexity of vernacular beliefs.
The testimony of a Suffolk woman named Marion Clerk, examined in the course of an archiepiscopal visitation in , suggests that these accounts may well have had some basis in reality. It is worth quoting at length: Marion Clerk, daughter of John and Agnes Clerk, was noted for the use of superstitious art. To this charge she replied that she did have this ability. The judge asked her whether these little people believed in the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, and she replied that they believed only in the Father Almighty.
He asked her if she had ever been in heaven, and she said that she had. He asked her if she had seen God in heaven, and she said that she had, and He was wearing a golden mantle. No matter where on the spectrum their opinions lay, however, all medieval clerics seem to have been prepared to accept that fairy belief was a potentially serious issue.